Nothing is for nothing in the Middle East.

An extraordinary security breach in Australia has left politicians red-faced, but done little lasting damage.

Espionage charges against Australian film-maker James Ricketson have put a spotlight on Canberra’s delicate ties with Cambodia.

Did China browbeat Australia to downgrade official participation in a conference on North Korea?

As debate rages about Australia's national day, across the Tasman a mix of dramatic protest and strong personal ties marks a very ‘New Zealand moment’.

Sometimes your closest friends, rather than your rivals, cause the biggest headaches.

The 'quasi-allies' have a fundamental difference in strategic perspective.

Making a judgement in the present about events in the past is fraught with difficulties.

Highlights of debate on The Interpreter about China's influence in Australia.

Why would Australia weaken marine regulation for so little economic benefit?

This autobiography frames his worldview, but Kevin Rudd must also confront his own effectiveness.

Australian journalism had a big role to play in dragging the problem of Chinese Communist Party influence into the light.

A distinction as a point of law might not work as practical diplomacy.

Hugh White wants Australia to oppose a 'pre-emptive' attack but Australia's complicity may begin sooner than imagined.

Meeting Nelson Mandela, a conversation with the Queen, and an unsparing assessment of Aung San Suu Kyi.

Our complicated relationship with China and the implications of President Trump for Australia have eclipsed thoughtful reflection on the Australia-Japan relationship.

In much of the recent commentary, the ratio of fact to indignation appears unreasonably small.

DFAT Secretary Frances Adamson discusses her life and career and the challenges facing her department and the nation.

Not only has the jihadist threat increased, the nature of the threat has evolved significantly.

Australia should develop a more robust and distinct preventing violent extremism (PVE) program that aims to support the existing capacities of - or mobilises - communities and individuals.

So long as bipartisanship on foreign and defence policy overrules argument and debate, any effort to give parliament a say on war will be pointless.

The obvious wrinkle in the PM’s ANZUS pledge is what happens if the US strikes first and North Korea retaliates by attacking South Korea.

The only person responsible for the death of his children was Khalid Sharrouf himself.

It is one thing to recognise the realities of current sensibilities; quite another to let them mask the more substantial arguments required to win a greater measure of popular support than in 1999.

There are two broad narratives in the international coverage of Australia. First, the country is no longer a beacon for human rights. Second, its politics are parochial and often paralysing,

By 2030 ASEAN is projected to be the world’s fourth-largest economic bloc.

It is one thing to be a valued and trusted ally; another matter entirely to be taken for granted.

It looks as though the United States is going back to its position during negotiations on UNCLOS, and setting aside the carefully balanced nature of the EEZ regime.

It was always part of the Trump agenda to do something about the North American Free Trade Agreement (‘one of the worst deals ever’) covering the US, Canada and Mexico: the outcome is renegotiation rather than the threatened termination.

The Home Affairs Ministry announcement was short on detail and unclear in some areas, and the challenge now is to understand how it will work.

Australia may prove to be the test case for a policy solution that has far reaching consequences for privacy, technological development and the future of law enforcement operations.

The view that India is reluctant to engage Australia in a multilateral naval setting because it is wary of Canberra’s strategic credentials lacks merit.

The US Commander of the United Nations Command in South Korea, General Brooks, wants to 'revitalise' it.

There were calls last year for better protection of investor rights so the private sector can participate in fair competition with SOEs.

In general, given the way networks and contacts work in China, Party connections are not necessarily a cause for alarm.

The travails of our major parties are directly impacting our foreign policy. The parties are desperate for funds, which makes them vulnerable to entreaties from wealthy foreign donors.

There is a whiff of blind faith being employed by some Australian ministers in their responses to these kinds of American sentiments.

Some argue Australia should not rest easy since it might get the European treatment when the President shows up. Could be, but I doubt it.

While General Hartley’s visit to Myanmar was unplanned, indeed inadvertent, it was also unauthorised.

In the late 1970s, when deciding how to respond to asylum seekers arriving by boat, the government said Australia had a commitment to provide 'sanctuary to genuine refugees within its territory'.

'This is an incredibly interesting but also challenging time for Australia's Vietnamese diaspora.'

The view of Australian ministers in the 1960s and leading up to independence in 1975 was that PNG was doomed to fragment – and quite rapidly.

Jokowi’s main interest is economic cooperation. As he joked in Sydney: 'Let’s talk more about economics, I don’t want to talk a lot about politics – it gives me a headache'.

Turnbull and Jokowi differ in their understanding of the risks that Chinese assertiveness poses.

Sri Lanka has made no tangible progress in setting up courts to bring to trial those responsible for serious wartime violations.

Beyond aid spending and asylum seekers, foreign policy rarely rates a mention in Australian election campaigns.