China’s new islands and missiles have changed our regional strategic balance.

Clearly, someone in Australia’s defence and security establishment wanted China’s challenge to be made public.

Non-state actors using drones that cost a couple of grand to build are now pitted against some of the world’s most expensive and sophisticated weaponry.

A new deal for amphibious aircraft shows just how far ties between the two countries have come.

The time has clearly come for a careful examination of what Australia needs in a civil maritime security organisation.

Talk of a Chinese military base in Vanuatu should provoke tough questions in Australia, but not undue alarm.

Vietnam has long sought to calibrate its defence posture in the shadows of great power competition.

Australia will never be able to compete globally making T-shirts. But we can compete with high-end, world-beating defence equipment.

Australia’s defence export strategy could wind up being a $200-billion experiment gone wrong.

Beijing has fostered calculated messages to confuse Western countries about Chinese concerns, real or imagined.

The modern world could benefit from revisiting the manifesto of the Women’s Peace Army at the time of the Great War.

The recently revived Quadrilateral is evolving and less explicitly focused on defence issues.

Joint freedom of navigation patrols by the UK and France would be more convincing to a regional audience.

Is it only a matter of time before China replaces the US as the predominant military power in Asia?

Access to naval facilities in Oman could see a greater Indian naval presence in the Persian Gulf.

New middle powers are creating a multipolar and complex Indian Ocean.

Can we raise our defence exports while keeping our hands clean?

The Chinese navy does not intend to challenge the US Fifth Fleet – at least in the short term.

Sometimes your closest friends, rather than your rivals, cause the biggest headaches.

No statement of strategy since before the Cold War has been so inward-looking.

Not every soldier has the skills to mentor and advise foreign forces.

Attitudes about friend or foe shift dramatically when countries work together on a serious security problem.

The UK can still have a voice in global issues by concentrating a diminished military closer to home.

Bringing in other states with significant regional interests, such as the UK, may help the quadrilateral security dialogue.

Relative decline of the US means it makes sense for Australia to engage the UK in the Asia Pacific.

Britain can learn from complex challenges faced by an Australia that is economically dependent on China.

Organising a loose strategic coalition might upset Beijing, but that's no reason not to forge ahead.

Questions regarding the actual depth of India-Japan defence relations have resurfaced.

Hard questions must be asked about the future of the Royal Navy and the totality of Britain’s force structure.

There are many factors that can comprise the national interest. Fuel security should be at the top of the list.

Robert Kelly says he doesn't know 'anyone serious who advocates air strikes'. But what is his definition of 'serious' if it excludes the US president?

I understand the US Marine commander in the Pacific is willing to allow MRF-D to serve under Australian command if the operational need arises.

The USMC and ADF operate well together, though they have their own distinct traditions and cultures that require some working through.

Not only has the jihadist threat increased, the nature of the threat has evolved significantly.

The US Navy’s mastery of engineering has long been a strength for the navy, but the requirement for all its line officers to spend time as platform engineers at sea may be at the expense of seamanship and navigation.

Asia has acquired yet another flashpoint, one that China has deliberately picked at a time and location of its choosing.

The White House seems to regard FONOPs as a means to induce Chinese concessions on the North Korean nuclear issue. This is not what these patrols are designed for.

The closest a US president has come to anticipating Trump's shockingly bellicose statement was Harry Truman, during the Korean War.

For the first time, the combined amphibious force was comprised of ships from the US, Australia and New Zealand.

In selecting Greg Moriarty for the job, Payne, Pyne and Turnbull leapfrogged over the obvious candidates – in doing so they have chosen well.

For the first time in more than 30 years, Australia has a military strategy that is beginning to truly align ends, ways and means.

The North Korean ballistic missile threat is both more intractable, but also less dramatic, than calls for an Australian national missile defence suggest.

The upcoming China-Russia naval exercise suggests an emerging alignment on China’s behaviour in the South China Sea and Russia’s approach to security in the Baltic.

The Type 055 is one component of the Chinese drive to create aircraft-carrier task forces which are capable of regional and even global operations.

Last week the Turnbull Government announced the creation of the country's modified version of a US Cyber Command. What combination of threat or opportunity pushed Australia into this position?

The announcement yesterday implies that Australia has decided it no longer has the political will to apply air power in the fight against ISIS in Syria.

There has been yet another spate of US-China incidents involving US intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance probes.

President Trump doesn’t quite seem to appreciate the need for a nuanced approach to managing competing international obligations.

There is no rigorous evaluation or evidence to demonstrate that CVE programs have reduced radicalisation and extremism

Moving the USS Carl Vinson intensifies pressure on China to break out of the current impasse. How will Beijing react to Trump’s gambit?